Friday, December 23, 2011

Not mourning Vaclav Havel posted by Richard Seymour

Dear Alex,
As a good and loyal friend, I can't overlook this chance to suggest to you a marvelous way to discredit yourself completely and lose the last minimal shreds of respectability that still raise lingering questions about your integrity. I have in mind what I think is one of the most illuminating examples of the total and complete intellectual and moral corruption of Western culture, namely, the awed response to Vaclav Havel's embarrassingly silly and morally repugnant Sunday School sermon in Congress the other day. We may put aside the intellectual level of the comments (and the response) -- for example, the profound and startlingly original idea that people should be moral agents. More interesting are the phrases that really captured the imagination and aroused the passions of Congress, editorial writers, and columnists -- and, doubtless, soon the commentators in the weeklies and monthlies: that we should assume responsibility not only for ourselves, our families, and our nations, but for others who are suffering and persecuted. This remarkable and novel insight was followed by the key phrase of the speech: the cold war, now thankfully put to rest, was a conflict between two superpowers: one, a nightmare, the other, the defender of freedom (great applause).
Reading it brought to mind a number of past experiences in Southeast Asia, Central America, the West Bank, and even a kibbutz in Israel where I lived in 1953 -- Mapam, super-Stalinist even to the extent of justifying the anti-Semitic doctor's plot, still under the impact of the image of the USSR as the leader of the anti-Nazi resistance struggle. I recall remarks by a Fatherland Front leader in a remote village in Vietnam, Palestinian organizers, etc., describing the USSR as the hope for the oppressed and the US government as the brutal oppressor of the human race. If these people had made it to the Supreme Soviet they doubtless would have been greeted with great applause as they delivered this message, and probably some hack in Pravda would have swallowed his disgust and written a ritual ode.
I don't mean to equate a Vietnamese villager to Vaclav Havel. For one thing, I doubt that the former would have had the supreme hypocrisy and audacity to clothe his praise for the defenders of freedom with gushing about responsibility for the human race. It's also unnecessary to point out to the half a dozen or so sane people who remain that in comparison to the conditions imposed by US tyranny and violence, East Europe under Russian rule was practically a paradise. Furthermore, one can easily understand why an oppressed Third World victim would have little access to any information (or would care little about anything) beyond the narrow struggle for survival against a terrorist superpower and its clients. And the Pravda hack, unlike his US clones, would have faced a harsh response if he told the obvious truths. So by every conceivable standard, the performance of Havel, Congress, the media, and (we may safely predict, without what will soon appear) the Western intellectual community at large are on a moral and intellectual level that is vastly below that of Third World peasants and Stalinist hacks -- not an unusual discovery.
Of course, it could be argued in Havel's defense that this shameful performance was all tongue in cheek, just a way to extort money from the American taxpayer for his (relatively rich) country. I doubt it, however; he doesn't look like that good an actor.
So, here's the perfect swan song. It's all absolutely true, even truistic. Writing something that true and significant would also have a predictable effect. The sign of a truly totalitarian culture is that important truths simply lack cognitive meaning and are interpretable only at the level of 'Fuck You', so they can then elicit a perfectly predictable torrent of abuse in response. We've long ago reached that level -- to take a personal example, consider the statement: 'We ought to tell the truth about Cambodia and Timor.' Or imagine a columnist writing: 'I think the Sandinistas ought to win.' I suspect that this case is even clearer. It's easy to predict the reaction to any truthful and honest comments about this episode, which is so revealing about the easy acceptance of (and even praise for) the most monstrous savagery, as long as it is perpetrated by Us against Them -- a stance adopted quite mindlessly by Havel, who plainly shares the utter contempt for the lower orders that is the hallmark of Western intellectuals, so at least he's 'one of us' in that respect.
Anyway, don't say I never gave you a useful suggestion.
Best,
Noam

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Friday, November 11, 2011

Toward a post-Murdoch age posted by Richard Seymour

I forgot to link this piece I did for ABC Australia a couple of days ago:


...Carl Bernstein, one of the journalists who cracked open the Watergate affair, has likened Rupert Murdoch to Richard Nixon, referring to "corruption at the highest levels ... the corruption of the process of a free society".  A 'free society', according to the liberal-democratic canon, is one that has elected legislative offices, an independent judiciary, and a free press, among other attributes.  The free press is a particularly prized component of this institutional matrix.  The brief of the 'fourth estate' – however much that term is saturated with mythopoeic connotations – is to keep the other institutions honest and to facilitate popular democratic participation.  As Alan Rusbridger, editor of The Guardian put it, "The press doesn't share the same aims as Government, the legislature, the executive, religion or commerce, it is or it should be an outside".  The 'corruption' of these assets, therefore, may be lamentable, and call for reform – but only inasmuch as strengthens those institutions. 
Yet, in the current context, the language of the 'free press' is being appropriated by those who want to prevent meaningful reform...

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Wednesday, October 22, 2008

Noam Chomsky on Crisis and Elections posted by Richard Seymour

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Monday, July 28, 2008

Don't ban this filth posted by Richard Seymour



It is one thing to say that pornography should not be banned, that the state cannot intervene in such matters, not least because it would involve them in a necessarily authoritarian logic (in which they get to determine what might be a good, healthy representation of sex or nudity). And one should certainly contextualise pornography in terms of the sex industry as a whole, which entails looking at sex workers as active producers of their own conditions and not mere victims - that means supporting efforts at organising sex workers and resisting the very prurient/puritanical logic that justifies their repression and marginalisation. By all means let us also avoid prudishness, especially on this site. It is the farthest thing from my intention to make anyone feel uncomfortable about their sexuality, or to interrupt anyone's fantasies with stern moralising. But Chomsky's argument has drawn an odd chorus of defensive boos on the internet and in the comments to the post below - how dare he draw attention to the material conditions, the fact that wage labour is not free labour, that choice is not liberty, that the symbolic violence against women is part of a war on women that isn't less bestial because it is eroticised? Where does he get off? Evidently not in the pages of Hustler, the abnormal bastard.

But let's depart from the world of work for a second and stick with the symbolism. Andrea Dworkin, (boo hiss), once noted the curious propensity for all of the ordinarily repellent evils of capitalist society to somehow be magically transformed in the wonderland of pornography. Somehow, what would be obviously disgusting and offensive in ordinary discourse is defensible if there is a heavy libidinal investment in it. Aside from the clearly violent acts (slapping around, hair-pulling, name-calling, face-drenching, all of it framed by an established relationship of male dominance), there are the transparently racist tropes that sustain a lot of pornographic production, the myths about slovenly working class women, the use of subordinates (maids, secretaries, pupils) for sex, etc etc. Isn't it reasonable to suppose that there is a relationship between the crude and direct expression of misogynistic ideology in 90% of pornography, as well as in its gross overvaluation of the numinous penis, and the way in which women are rewarded and punished in capitalist society according to certain paradigms of behaviour? I don't mean that pornography causes these things, or that - as one famous formulation has it - "pornography is rape". I mean that the aspects of pornography that some argue are dispensable, incidental, unfortunate and so on are integral to it. The conventions that predominate and constitute the vast majority of pornographic productions are not accidental, any more than is the fact that they are seamlessly imported into other areas of ideological production such as advertising, lads mags, teledrama, Hollywood and so on.

Side-stepping all this is especially implausible you want to stop the state from outlawing something called 'extreme pornography'. In defense of the right of people to possess and distribute images appearing to depict violent sex, for example, it would make no sense to say that 'normal pornography' is just fine and dandy, perfectly serene, only incidentally imbalanced by some nastier elements. That merely gives the state carte blanche to determine that some ordinary sexist pornography is acceptable and the 'extreme' (sometimes not remotely sexist) manifestations of it are not. If you want the libertarian argument to work, you can't avoid a radical critique of pornography even at the risk of a temporary psychosomatic deflation.

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Noam Chomsky on Pornography posted by Richard Seymour



I am particularly impressed with the way he just trashes the free market arguments of the pornographic industry (as in, 'she chose to do it').

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